Greetings dear readers!
There’s trouble in Black paradise.
A fact shocks the watching world. The killing of unarmed Blacks and disenfranchised folks by mostly white male police officers is relentless in America’s streets—the very persons thought sworn to protect civilian lives. Instead we see clearly that in this country, bragging daily about owning the world’s highest democratic standard, something else has greater priority: protecting the age old worship of “white fear.”
Unsurprisingly a redundant diversion floods airwaves.
Media pundits and their “altruistic” guest analysts form a national chorus, firing off their defense of our status-quo system: the majority says rouge cops do exist, but it is no reflection of the force itself.
The pundit led assertion about current police “culture” would be a hysterical joke, were it not for an unbroken chain of tragic social consequences. Here, anyone who’s paid the slightest attention, where history outlines just how this country’s police force was actually established (a key item in my book “Trouble In Black Paradise”) knows an absolutely different fact.
“Culture” is absolutely the defining word.
Curiously, standard media’s self-anointed social “experts” blatantly sidestep what should be the first standard step: actually reviewing how U.S. law enforcement entities were keenly shaped—an act needed to properly measure any overall groundbreaking progress.
Time to review what media overtly avoids:
U.S. legislative and social criminal justice bodies are a mere spillover from the European motherland’s design—it bolstered the absolute power of monarchies.
Immediate translation: the extreme minority aristocratic “haves” devised protection for privileged class interests (the nation’s slave driven economic backbone); this against the overwhelming majority “have not’s” (of course the brutally molded cogs and wheels of these systems).
The king’s army is what served as both protectors of foreign resource gains and enforcers of their homeland’s behavioral policy. Such was the basis of a third social branch that commanded its own privilege position: the military class.
There was no general populace “middle class”; poor folk were drafted into army ranks as needed for foreign wars and domestic stability (being subject to life threatening prosecution for refusal) but rarely did they rise permanently into military ranks—they were tossed back into the vat of exploitable poor.
A clear fact: just to survive, underclass people being contained within barbaric living realities (keeping the privileged drenched in swelling wealth) made those systems corrupt to begin with. Poor folks were to be kept in line, not allowed class position advancement—a precious labor force loss.
When mid 18th century America’s wealthy British colony governors made a successful independent break from England their legislative set-up remained status-quo: aristocracy class power (steering its strong-arm military underling) ran the machine built on the backs of indentured servants.
Self-determined U.S. aristocrats also jealously guarded entrance into its ranks for similar reason; birth was a celebrated and even worshiped induction, but the rare outsider person who became a financial success story hit conveniently crafted roadblocks that still generally locked them out.
A little U.S. constitutional glitch though (not found in the monarch’s forerunner doctrine) guaranteed a future problem would haunt the new rulers: validating everyone’s right to the “pursuit of happiness” and “equal protection under the law.”
For American elite this altruistic ideal perfectly justified radical break from England’s domineering counterpart (themselves not wanting to be “rich” slaves); and U.S. governors knew they must manipulate that little glitch to maintain the exclusion of their own perceived undesirables (i.e. poor whites, quickly expanding non white communities and Native American nations).
Elite “fear of overthrow by underclass uprisings” (particularly by whites) was well founded. Hence, the highly charged concept of “race” was married and fused to the towering structure of class.
Poor whites could still be successfully kept out of elite Caucasian ranks (class) while white supremacist ideas—thunderously pounded in poor white psyches—groomed them into an explosive position of feeling religiously and culturally entitled (race).
“Manifest destiny” had poor whites swept in the illusion of having some reciprocated family tie acceptance with a white upper crust. Poor whites became the perfect barrier manipulated into doing the elite’s dirty work, especially since many communities had Black populaces outnumbering whites.
Elites concocted stereotypes to shockingly mischaracterize Blacks. The most sensational propaganda hit pieces did the trick: slaves “collectively” were hot to return the excessive violence level doled out by whites; and that Black men were ravenously consumed with sexually pillaging white women—a super hot-buttoned point all unto itself.
Even the most rationally expected formulation—mass slave revolts reciprocating the hideous levels of white violence—proved untrue (ironically demonstrating the depth of Afro humanity). But the campaign flood birthed a new national arsenal: the “worship” of white fear.
Legislators backed stepped-up brutality, espionage and murder; standards poor whites aimed at derailing social advancements and inclusion of those they did not want bypassing them—people of color.
Then, a couple of wrenches rattled the machine.
Cooperation between white ranks in their hypothetical marriage was fleeting. Blacks particularly remained rigidly excluded, but poor whites had not lost sight of their own advancement prize.
Poor white males, bullied and humiliated at the white hierarchy’s bottom, trickled into law enforcement, bringing well groomed bigotry with them—conditions totally supported by mass departmental corruption (the absolute rule—not an exception); these newcomers especially flourished where their own ethnic communities dominated—achieving the next level taste of “power.” Pushing back against the top, these men expanded their own segment’s niche.
Black men (in Black communities) were allowed to do no such thing.
White women still overwhelmingly supported racist policies (their tidbit of power over “others”) but gradually fought to remove their own “yoke”—the women’s rights movement shoved another thorn in the white patriarchal side.
A thing can’t be taken for granted:
Poor folks who rose up to the next level had tremendous life threatening pressures lifted from their family’s backs; those accepted into police forces gained something unheard of—accentuated social “power.” All achievers unsurprisingly fought hard to not fall back.
Not until the 20th century, when industrial advancements eked out job expansions, did overall middleclass possibility finally see greater daylight. Here though, the police culture (zealously excluding women and non whites) rabidly showed its true face.
Poor white majority workers striking against deadly job conditions, child labor abuses and exploitation wages, challenging corporate inhumanity, met U.S. democratic horror. White police (including those who’d trickled “up”) opened fire, killing and clubbing peaceful demonstrators; stuffed “wagons” carted innocence off to jail.
At mid 20th century, white women and people of color finally trickled more substantially into various departments, facing the nasty legacy wall awaiting them (“open” LGBT force members and legislators would come several decades later).
Vicious racist/sexist protocol (the living, runaway “culture”) overwhelmed these newcomers, forcing them to comply, easily derailing radical ideals for healthy change.
Amplified focus on actually refining public interest protection (against general criminal predators) also trickled along—as outsider cops and the public itself fought for expanded rights (and greater “focus” on public interest crime solving priority).
A clear message constantly repeated nationally: police revel in absolute power worlds, fashioned by white male topped hierarchies overseeing themselves—protocols keep colleague detractors in check and afford transgressors against justice almost total immunity; departments overwhelmingly protect magistrate and business corruption, not healthy public interest; to them taking and brutalizing lives to preserve “the culture” is necessary, second natured and absolutely acceptable.
Ironically the “rogue” officers are actually those who dare to stand up to that corrosive culture. To this day no evidence of a national top-to-bottom overhaul of this age old entity (which is what will have to happen) exists—and pundits avoid speaking to this end.